German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Spread of revolution to the entire German Empire
Around 4 November, delegations of the sailors dispersed to all of the major cities in Germany.
By 7 November, the revolution had seized all large coastal cities as well as Hanover, Brunswick, Frankfurt on Main, and Munich.
In Munich, a "Workers' and Soldiers' Council" forced the last King of Bavaria, Ludwig III, to issue the Anif declaration.
Bavaria was the first member state of the German Empire to be declared a Volksstaat, the People's State of Bavaria, by Kurt Eisner of the USPD who asserted that Ludwig III had abdicated his throne via the Anif declaration.
In the following days, the dynastic rulers of all the other German states abdicated; by the end of the month, all 22 German monarchs had been dethroned.
The Workers' and Soldiers' Councils were almost entirely made up of MSPD and USPD members.
Their program was democracy, pacifism and anti-militarism.
Apart from the dynastic families, they deprived only the military commands of their power and privilege.
The duties of the imperial civilian administration and office bearers such as police, municipal administrations and courts were not curtailed or interfered with.
There were hardly any confiscations of property or occupation of factories, because such measures were expected from the new government.
In order to create an executive committed to the revolution and to the future of the new government, the councils for the moment claimed only to take over the supervision of the administration from the military commands.
Thus, the MSPD was able to establish a firm base on the local level.
But while the councils believed they were acting in the interest of the new order, the party leaders of the MSPD regarded them as disturbing elements for a peaceful changeover of power that they imagined already to have taken place.
Along with the middle-class parties, they demanded speedy elections for a national assembly that would make the final decision on the constitution of the new state.
This soon brought the MSPD into opposition with many of the revolutionaries.
It was especially the USPD that took over their demands, one of which was to delay elections as long as possible to try to achieve a fait accompli that met the expectations of a large part of the workforce.
Notably, revolutionary sentiment did not affect the eastern lands of the Empire to any considerable extent, apart from isolated instances of agitation in Breslau and Königsberg.
But interethnic discontent among Germans and minority Poles in the eastern extremities of Silesia, long suppressed in Wilhelmine Germany, would eventually lead to the Silesian Uprisings.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Reactions in Berlin
Ebert agreed with Prince Maximilian that a social revolution must be prevented and that state order must be upheld at all costs.
In the restructuring of the state, Ebert wanted to win over the middle-class parties that had already cooperated with the SPD in the Reichstag in 1917, as well as the old elites of the German Empire.
He wanted to avoid the spectre of radicalisation of the revolution along Russian lines and he also worried that the precarious supply situation could collapse, leading to the takeover of the administration by inexperienced revolutionaries.
He was certain that the SPD would be able to implement its reform plans in the future due to its parliamentary majorities.
Ebert did his best to act in agreement with the old powers and intended to save the monarchy.
In order to demonstrate some success to his followers, he demanded the abdication of the emperor as of 6 November.
But Wilhelm II, still in his headquarters in Spa, was playing for time.
After the Entente had agreed to truce negotiations on that day, he hoped to return to Germany at the head of the army and to quell the revolution by force.
According to notes taken by Prince Maximilian, Ebert declared on 7 November, "If the Kaiser does not abdicate, the social revolution is unavoidable."
"But I do not want it, indeed I hate it like sin."
(Wenn der Kaiser nicht abdankt, dann ist die soziale Revolution unvermeidlich. Ich aber will sie nicht, ja, ich hasse sie wie die Sünde.)
The chancellor planned to travel to Spa and convince the emperor personally of the necessity to abdicate.
But this plan was overtaken by the rapidly deteriorating situation in Berlin.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Reactions in Berlin
Ebert agreed with Prince Maximilian that a social revolution must be prevented and that state order must be upheld at all costs.
In the restructuring of the state, Ebert wanted to win over the middle-class parties that had already cooperated with the SPD in the Reichstag in 1917, as well as the old elites of the German Empire.
He wanted to avoid the spectre of radicalisation of the revolution along Russian lines and he also worried that the precarious supply situation could collapse, leading to the takeover of the administration by inexperienced revolutionaries.
He was certain that the SPD would be able to implement its reform plans in the future due to its parliamentary majorities.
Ebert did his best to act in agreement with the old powers and intended to save the monarchy.
In order to demonstrate some success to his followers, he demanded the abdication of the emperor as of 6 November.
But Wilhelm II, still in his headquarters in Spa, was playing for time.
After the Entente had agreed to truce negotiations on that day, he hoped to return to Germany at the head of the army and to quell the revolution by force.
According to notes taken by Prince Maximilian, Ebert declared on 7 November, "If the Kaiser does not abdicate, the social revolution is unavoidable."
"But I do not want it, indeed I hate it like sin."
(Wenn der Kaiser nicht abdankt, dann ist die soziale Revolution unvermeidlich. Ich aber will sie nicht, ja, ich hasse sie wie die Sünde.)
The chancellor planned to travel to Spa and convince the emperor personally of the necessity to abdicate.
But this plan was overtaken by the rapidly deteriorating situation in Berlin.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saturday, 9 November 1918: two proclamations of a republic
In order to remain master of the situation, Friedrich Ebert demanded the chancellorship for himself on the afternoon of 9 November, the day of the emperor's abdication.
The news of the abdication came too late to make any impression on the demonstrators.
Nobody heeded the public appeals.
More and more demonstrators demanded the total abolition of the monarchy.
Karl Liebknecht, just released from prison, had returned to Berlin and re-founded the Spartacist League the previous day.
At lunch in the Reichstag, the SPD deputy chairman Philipp Scheidemann learned that Liebknecht planned the proclamation of a socialist republic.
Scheidemann did not want to leave the initiative to the Spartacists and without further ado, he stepped out onto a balcony of the Reichstag.
From there, he proclaimed a republic before a mass of demonstrating people on his own authority (against Ebert's expressed will).
A few hours later, the Berlin newspapers reported that in the Berlin Lustgarten – at probably around the same time – Liebknecht had proclaimed a socialist republic, which he affirmed from a balcony of the Berlin City Palace to an assembled crowd at around 4 pm.
At that time, Karl Liebknecht's intentions were little known to the public.
The Spartacist League's demands of 7 October for a far-reaching restructuring of the economy, the army and the judiciary – among other things by abolishing the death penalty – had not yet been publicised.
The biggest bone of contention with the SPD was to be the Spartacists' demand for the establishment of "unalterable political facts" on the ground by social and other measures before the election of a constituent assembly, while the SPD wanted to leave the decision on the future economic system to the assembly.
Ebert was faced with a dilemma.
The first proclamation he had issued on 9 November was addressed "to the citizens of Germany".
Ebert wanted to take the sting out of the revolutionary mood and to meet the demands of the demonstrators for the unity of the labour parties.
He offered the USPD participation in the government and was ready to accept Liebknecht as a minister.
Liebknecht in turn demanded the control of the workers' councils over the army.
As USPD chairman Hugo Haase was in Kiel and the deliberations went on, the USPD deputies were unable to reach a decision that day.
Neither the early announcement of the emperor's abdication, Ebert's assumption of the chancellorship, nor Scheidemann's proclamation of the republic were covered by the constitution.
These were all revolutionary actions by protagonists who did not want a revolution, but nevertheless took action.
However, a real revolutionary action took place the same evening that would later prove to have been in vain.
Around 8 pm, a group of 100 Revolutionary Stewards from the larger Berlin factories occupied the Reichstag.
Led by their spokesmen Richard Müller and Emil Barth, they formed a revolutionary parliament.
Most of the participating stewards had already been leaders during the strikes earlier in the year.
They did not trust the SPD leadership and had planned a coup for 11 November independently of the sailors' revolt, but were surprised by the revolutionary events since Kiel.
In order to snatch the initiative from Ebert, they now decided to announce elections for the following day.
On that Sunday, every Berlin factory and every regiment was to elect workers' and soldiers' councils that were then in turn to elect a revolutionary government from members of the two labour parties (SPD and USPD).
This Council of the People's Deputies (Rat der Volksbeauftragten) was to execute the resolutions of the revolutionary parliament as the revolutionaries intended to replace Ebert's function as chancellor and president.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saturday, 9 November 1918: two proclamations of a republic
In order to remain master of the situation, Friedrich Ebert demanded the chancellorship for himself on the afternoon of 9 November, the day of the emperor's abdication.
The news of the abdication came too late to make any impression on the demonstrators.
Nobody heeded the public appeals.
More and more demonstrators demanded the total abolition of the monarchy.
Karl Liebknecht, just released from prison, had returned to Berlin and re-founded the Spartacist League the previous day.
At lunch in the Reichstag, the SPD deputy chairman Philipp Scheidemann learned that Liebknecht planned the proclamation of a socialist republic.
Scheidemann did not want to leave the initiative to the Spartacists and without further ado, he stepped out onto a balcony of the Reichstag.
From there, he proclaimed a republic before a mass of demonstrating people on his own authority (against Ebert's expressed will).
A few hours later, the Berlin newspapers reported that in the Berlin Lustgarten – at probably around the same time – Liebknecht had proclaimed a socialist republic, which he affirmed from a balcony of the Berlin City Palace to an assembled crowd at around 4 pm.
At that time, Karl Liebknecht's intentions were little known to the public.
The Spartacist League's demands of 7 October for a far-reaching restructuring of the economy, the army and the judiciary – among other things by abolishing the death penalty – had not yet been publicised.
The biggest bone of contention with the SPD was to be the Spartacists' demand for the establishment of "unalterable political facts" on the ground by social and other measures before the election of a constituent assembly, while the SPD wanted to leave the decision on the future economic system to the assembly.
Ebert was faced with a dilemma.
The first proclamation he had issued on 9 November was addressed "to the citizens of Germany".
Ebert wanted to take the sting out of the revolutionary mood and to meet the demands of the demonstrators for the unity of the labour parties.
He offered the USPD participation in the government and was ready to accept Liebknecht as a minister.
Liebknecht in turn demanded the control of the workers' councils over the army.
As USPD chairman Hugo Haase was in Kiel and the deliberations went on, the USPD deputies were unable to reach a decision that day.
Neither the early announcement of the emperor's abdication, Ebert's assumption of the chancellorship, nor Scheidemann's proclamation of the republic were covered by the constitution.
These were all revolutionary actions by protagonists who did not want a revolution, but nevertheless took action.
However, a real revolutionary action took place the same evening that would later prove to have been in vain.
Around 8 pm, a group of 100 Revolutionary Stewards from the larger Berlin factories occupied the Reichstag.
Led by their spokesmen Richard Müller and Emil Barth, they formed a revolutionary parliament.
Most of the participating stewards had already been leaders during the strikes earlier in the year.
They did not trust the SPD leadership and had planned a coup for 11 November independently of the sailors' revolt, but were surprised by the revolutionary events since Kiel.
In order to snatch the initiative from Ebert, they now decided to announce elections for the following day.
On that Sunday, every Berlin factory and every regiment was to elect workers' and soldiers' councils that were then in turn to elect a revolutionary government from members of the two labour parties (SPD and USPD).
This Council of the People's Deputies (Rat der Volksbeauftragten) was to execute the resolutions of the revolutionary parliament as the revolutionaries intended to replace Ebert's function as chancellor and president.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sunday, 10 November: revolutionary councils elected, Armistice
The same evening, the SPD leadership heard of these plans.
As the elections and the councils' meeting could not be prevented, Ebert sent speakers to all Berlin regiments and into the factories in the same night and early the following morning.
They were to influence the elections in his favour and announce the intended participation of the USPD in the government.
In turn, these activities did not escape the attention of Richard Müller and the revolutionary shop stewards.
Seeing that Ebert would also be running the new government, they planned to propose to the assembly not only the election of a government, but also the appointment of an Action Committee.
This committee was to co-ordinate the activities of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils.
For this election, the Stewards had already prepared a list of names on which the SPD was not represented.
In this manner, they hoped to install a monitoring body acceptable to them watching the government.
In the assembly that convened on 10 November in the Circus Busch, the majority stood on the side of the SPD: almost all Soldiers' Councils and a large part of the workers representatives.
They repeated the demand for the "Unity of the Working Class" that had been put forward by the revolutionaries the previous day and now used this motto in order to push through Ebert's line.
As planned, three members of each socialist party were elected into the "Council of People's Representatives": from the USPD, their chairman Hugo Haase, the deputy Wilhelm Dittmann and Emil Barth for the Revolutionary Stewards; from the SPD Ebert, Scheidemann and the Magdeburg deputy Otto Landsberg.
The proposal by the shop stewards to elect an action committee additionally took the SPD leadership by surprise and started heated debates.
Ebert finally succeeded in having this 24-member "Executive Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" equally filled with SPD and USPD members.
The Executive Council was chaired by Richard Müller and Brutus Molkenbuhr.
On the evening of 10 November, there was a phone call between Ebert and General Wilhelm Groener, the new First General Quartermaster in Spa, Belgium.
Assuring Ebert of the support of the army, the general was given Ebert's promise to reinstate the military hierarchy and, with the help of the army, to take action against the councils.
In the turmoil of this day, the Ebert government's acceptance of the harsh terms of the Entente for a truce, after a renewed demand by the Supreme Command, went almost unnoticed.
On 11 November, the Centre Party deputy Matthias Erzberger, on behalf of Berlin, signed the armistice agreement in Compiègne, France, and World War I came to an end.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sunday, 10 November: revolutionary councils elected, Armistice
The same evening, the SPD leadership heard of these plans.
As the elections and the councils' meeting could not be prevented, Ebert sent speakers to all Berlin regiments and into the factories in the same night and early the following morning.
They were to influence the elections in his favour and announce the intended participation of the USPD in the government.
In turn, these activities did not escape the attention of Richard Müller and the revolutionary shop stewards.
Seeing that Ebert would also be running the new government, they planned to propose to the assembly not only the election of a government, but also the appointment of an Action Committee.
This committee was to co-ordinate the activities of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils.
For this election, the Stewards had already prepared a list of names on which the SPD was not represented.
In this manner, they hoped to install a monitoring body acceptable to them watching the government.
In the assembly that convened on 10 November in the Circus Busch, the majority stood on the side of the SPD: almost all Soldiers' Councils and a large part of the workers representatives.
They repeated the demand for the "Unity of the Working Class" that had been put forward by the revolutionaries the previous day and now used this motto in order to push through Ebert's line.
As planned, three members of each socialist party were elected into the "Council of People's Representatives": from the USPD, their chairman Hugo Haase, the deputy Wilhelm Dittmann and Emil Barth for the Revolutionary Stewards; from the SPD Ebert, Scheidemann and the Magdeburg deputy Otto Landsberg.
The proposal by the shop stewards to elect an action committee additionally took the SPD leadership by surprise and started heated debates.
Ebert finally succeeded in having this 24-member "Executive Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" equally filled with SPD and USPD members.
The Executive Council was chaired by Richard Müller and Brutus Molkenbuhr.
On the evening of 10 November, there was a phone call between Ebert and General Wilhelm Groener, the new First General Quartermaster in Spa, Belgium.
Assuring Ebert of the support of the army, the general was given Ebert's promise to reinstate the military hierarchy and, with the help of the army, to take action against the councils.
In the turmoil of this day, the Ebert government's acceptance of the harsh terms of the Entente for a truce, after a renewed demand by the Supreme Command, went almost unnoticed.
On 11 November, the Centre Party deputy Matthias Erzberger, on behalf of Berlin, signed the armistice agreement in Compiègne, France, and World War I came to an end.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Double rule
Although Ebert had saved the decisive role of the SPD, he was not happy with the results.
He did not regard the Council Parliament and the Executive Council as helpful, but only as obstacles impeding a smooth transition from empire to a new system of government.
The whole SPD leadership mistrusted the councils rather than the old elites in army and administration, and they considerably overestimated the old elite's loyalty to the new republic.
What troubled Ebert most was that he could not now act as chancellor in front of the councils, but only as chairman of a revolutionary government.
Though he had taken the lead of the revolution only to halt it, conservatives saw him as a traitor.
In theory, the Executive Council was the highest-ranking council of the revolutionary regime and therefore Müller the head of state of the new declared "Socialist Republic of Germany".
But in practice, the council's initiative was blocked by internal power struggles.
The Executive Council decided to summon an "Imperial Council Convention" in December to Berlin.
In the eight weeks of double rule of councils and imperial government, the latter always was dominant.
Although Haase was formally a chairman in the Council with equal rights, the whole higher level administration reported only to Ebert.
The SPD worried that the revolution would end in a Council (Soviet) Republic, following the Russian example.
However, the secret Ebert-Groener pact did not win over the Imperial Officer Corps for the republic.
As Ebert's behaviour became increasingly puzzling to the revolutionary workers, the soldiers and their stewards, the SPD leadership lost more and more of their supporters' confidence, without gaining any sympathies from the opponents of the revolution on the right.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Double rule
Although Ebert had saved the decisive role of the SPD, he was not happy with the results.
He did not regard the Council Parliament and the Executive Council as helpful, but only as obstacles impeding a smooth transition from empire to a new system of government.
The whole SPD leadership mistrusted the councils rather than the old elites in army and administration, and they considerably overestimated the old elite's loyalty to the new republic.
What troubled Ebert most was that he could not now act as chancellor in front of the councils, but only as chairman of a revolutionary government.
Though he had taken the lead of the revolution only to halt it, conservatives saw him as a traitor.
In theory, the Executive Council was the highest-ranking council of the revolutionary regime and therefore Müller the head of state of the new declared "Socialist Republic of Germany".
But in practice, the council's initiative was blocked by internal power struggles.
The Executive Council decided to summon an "Imperial Council Convention" in December to Berlin.
In the eight weeks of double rule of councils and imperial government, the latter always was dominant.
Although Haase was formally a chairman in the Council with equal rights, the whole higher level administration reported only to Ebert.
The SPD worried that the revolution would end in a Council (Soviet) Republic, following the Russian example.
However, the secret Ebert-Groener pact did not win over the Imperial Officer Corps for the republic.
As Ebert's behaviour became increasingly puzzling to the revolutionary workers, the soldiers and their stewards, the SPD leadership lost more and more of their supporters' confidence, without gaining any sympathies from the opponents of the revolution on the right.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Stinnes–Legien Agreement
The revolutionaries disagreed among themselves about the future economic and political system.
Both SPD and USPD favoured placing at least heavy industry under democratic control.
The left wings of both parties and the Revolutionary Stewards wanted to go beyond that and establish a "direct democracy" in the production sector, with elected delegates controlling the political power.
It was not only in the interest of the SPD to prevent a Council Democracy; even the unions would have been rendered superfluous by the councils.
To prevent this development, the union leaders under Carl Legien and the representatives of big industry under Hugo Stinnes and Carl Friedrich von Siemens met in Berlin from 9 to 12 November.
On 15 November, they signed an agreement with advantages for both sides: the union representatives promised to guarantee orderly production, to end wildcat strikes, to drive back the influence of the councils and to prevent a nationalisation of means of production.
For their part, the employers guaranteed to introduce the eight-hour day, which the workers had demanded in vain for years.
The employers agreed to the union claim of sole representation and to the lasting recognition of the unions instead of the councils.
Both parties formed a "Central Committee for the Maintenance of the Economy" (Zentralausschuss für die Aufrechterhaltung der Wirtschaft).
An "Arbitration Committee" (Schlichtungsausschuss) was to mediate future conflicts between employers and unions.
From now on, committees together with the management were to monitor the wage settlements in every factory with more than 50 employees.
With this arrangement, the unions had achieved one of their longtime demands, but undermined all efforts for nationalising means of production and largely eliminated the councils.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Stinnes–Legien Agreement
The revolutionaries disagreed among themselves about the future economic and political system.
Both SPD and USPD favoured placing at least heavy industry under democratic control.
The left wings of both parties and the Revolutionary Stewards wanted to go beyond that and establish a "direct democracy" in the production sector, with elected delegates controlling the political power.
It was not only in the interest of the SPD to prevent a Council Democracy; even the unions would have been rendered superfluous by the councils.
To prevent this development, the union leaders under Carl Legien and the representatives of big industry under Hugo Stinnes and Carl Friedrich von Siemens met in Berlin from 9 to 12 November.
On 15 November, they signed an agreement with advantages for both sides: the union representatives promised to guarantee orderly production, to end wildcat strikes, to drive back the influence of the councils and to prevent a nationalisation of means of production.
For their part, the employers guaranteed to introduce the eight-hour day, which the workers had demanded in vain for years.
The employers agreed to the union claim of sole representation and to the lasting recognition of the unions instead of the councils.
Both parties formed a "Central Committee for the Maintenance of the Economy" (Zentralausschuss für die Aufrechterhaltung der Wirtschaft).
An "Arbitration Committee" (Schlichtungsausschuss) was to mediate future conflicts between employers and unions.
From now on, committees together with the management were to monitor the wage settlements in every factory with more than 50 employees.
With this arrangement, the unions had achieved one of their longtime demands, but undermined all efforts for nationalising means of production and largely eliminated the councils.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Interim government and council movement
The Reichstag had not been summoned since 9 November.
The Council of the People's Deputies and the Executive Council had replaced the old government, but the previous administrative machinery remained unchanged.
Imperial servants had only representatives of SPD and USPD assigned to them.
These servants all kept their positions and continued to do their work in most respects unchanged.
On 12 November, the Council of People's Representatives published its democratic and social government programme.
It lifted the state of siege and censorship, abolished the "Gesindeordnung" ("servant rules" that governed relations between servant and master) and introduced universal suffrage from 20 years up, for the first time for women.
There was an amnesty for all political prisoners.
Regulations for the freedom of association, assembly and press were enacted.
The eight-hour day became statutory on the basis of the Stinnes–Legien Agreement, and benefits for unemployment, social insurance, and workers' compensation were expanded.
At the insistence of USPD representatives, the Council of People's Representatives appointed a "Nationalisation Committee" including Karl Kautsky, Rudolf Hilferding and Otto Hue, among others.
This committee was to examine which industries were "fit" for nationalisation and to prepare the nationalisation of the coal and steel industry.
It sat until 7 April 1919, without any tangible result.
"Self-Administration Bodies" were installed only in coal and potash mining and in the steel industry.
From these bodies emerged the modern German Works or Factory Committees.
Socialist expropriations were not initiated.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Interim government and council movement
The Reichstag had not been summoned since 9 November.
The Council of the People's Deputies and the Executive Council had replaced the old government, but the previous administrative machinery remained unchanged.
Imperial servants had only representatives of SPD and USPD assigned to them.
These servants all kept their positions and continued to do their work in most respects unchanged.
On 12 November, the Council of People's Representatives published its democratic and social government programme.
It lifted the state of siege and censorship, abolished the "Gesindeordnung" ("servant rules" that governed relations between servant and master) and introduced universal suffrage from 20 years up, for the first time for women.
There was an amnesty for all political prisoners.
Regulations for the freedom of association, assembly and press were enacted.
The eight-hour day became statutory on the basis of the Stinnes–Legien Agreement, and benefits for unemployment, social insurance, and workers' compensation were expanded.
At the insistence of USPD representatives, the Council of People's Representatives appointed a "Nationalisation Committee" including Karl Kautsky, Rudolf Hilferding and Otto Hue, among others.
This committee was to examine which industries were "fit" for nationalisation and to prepare the nationalisation of the coal and steel industry.
It sat until 7 April 1919, without any tangible result.
"Self-Administration Bodies" were installed only in coal and potash mining and in the steel industry.
From these bodies emerged the modern German Works or Factory Committees.
Socialist expropriations were not initiated.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Proclamation of the Bremen revolutionary republic, outside the town hall, on 15 November 1918.
The SPD leadership worked with the old administration rather than with the new Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, because it considered them incapable of properly supplying the needs of the population.
As of mid-November, this caused continuing strife with the Executive Council.
As the Council continuously changed its position following whoever it just happened to represent, Ebert withdrew more and more responsibilities planning to end the "meddling and interfering" of the Councils in Germany for good.
But Ebert and the SPD leadership by far overestimated the power not only of the Council Movement but also of the Spartacist League.
The Spartacist League, for example, never had control over the Council Movement as the conservatives and parts of the SPD believed.
In Leipzig, Hamburg, Bremen, Chemnitz, and Gotha, the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils took the city administrations under their control.
In addition, in Brunswick, Düsseldorf, Mülheim/Ruhr, and Zwickau, all civil servants loyal to the emperor were arrested.
In Hamburg and Bremen, "Red Guards" were formed that were to protect the revolution.
The councils deposed the management of the Leuna works, a giant chemical factory near Merseburg.
The new councils were often appointed spontaneously and arbitrarily and had no management experience whatsoever.
But a majority of councils came to arrangements with the old administrations and saw to it that law and order were quickly restored.
For example, Max Weber was part of the workers' council of Heidelberg, and was pleasantly surprised that most members were moderate German liberals.
The councils took over the distribution of food, the police force, and the accommodation and provisions of the front-line soldiers that were gradually returning home.
Former imperial administrators and the councils depended on each other: the former had the knowledge and experience, the latter had political clout.
In most cases, SPD members had been elected into the councils who regarded their job as an interim solution.
For them, as well as for the majority of the German population in 1918–19, the introduction of a Council Republic was never an issue, but they were not even given a chance to think about it.
Many wanted to support the new government and expected it to abolish militarism and the authoritarian state.
Being weary of the war and hoping for a peaceful solution, they partially overestimated the revolutionary achievements.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Proclamation of the Bremen revolutionary republic, outside the town hall, on 15 November 1918.
The SPD leadership worked with the old administration rather than with the new Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, because it considered them incapable of properly supplying the needs of the population.
As of mid-November, this caused continuing strife with the Executive Council.
As the Council continuously changed its position following whoever it just happened to represent, Ebert withdrew more and more responsibilities planning to end the "meddling and interfering" of the Councils in Germany for good.
But Ebert and the SPD leadership by far overestimated the power not only of the Council Movement but also of the Spartacist League.
The Spartacist League, for example, never had control over the Council Movement as the conservatives and parts of the SPD believed.
In Leipzig, Hamburg, Bremen, Chemnitz, and Gotha, the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils took the city administrations under their control.
In addition, in Brunswick, Düsseldorf, Mülheim/Ruhr, and Zwickau, all civil servants loyal to the emperor were arrested.
In Hamburg and Bremen, "Red Guards" were formed that were to protect the revolution.
The councils deposed the management of the Leuna works, a giant chemical factory near Merseburg.
The new councils were often appointed spontaneously and arbitrarily and had no management experience whatsoever.
But a majority of councils came to arrangements with the old administrations and saw to it that law and order were quickly restored.
For example, Max Weber was part of the workers' council of Heidelberg, and was pleasantly surprised that most members were moderate German liberals.
The councils took over the distribution of food, the police force, and the accommodation and provisions of the front-line soldiers that were gradually returning home.
Former imperial administrators and the councils depended on each other: the former had the knowledge and experience, the latter had political clout.
In most cases, SPD members had been elected into the councils who regarded their job as an interim solution.
For them, as well as for the majority of the German population in 1918–19, the introduction of a Council Republic was never an issue, but they were not even given a chance to think about it.
Many wanted to support the new government and expected it to abolish militarism and the authoritarian state.
Being weary of the war and hoping for a peaceful solution, they partially overestimated the revolutionary achievements.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
General Council Convention
As decided by the Executive Committee, the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils in the whole empire sent deputies to Berlin, who were to convene on 16 December in the Circus Busch for the "First General Convention of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" (Erster Allgemeiner Kongress der Arbeiter- und Soldatenräte).
On 15 December, Ebert and General Groener had troops ordered to Berlin to prevent this convention and to regain control of the capital.
On 16 December, one of the regiments intended for this plan advanced too early.
In an attempt to arrest the Executive Council, the soldiers opened fire on a demonstration of unarmed "Red Guards", representatives of Soldiers' Councils affiliated with the Spartacists; 16 people were killed.
With this, the potential for violence and the danger of a coup from the right became visible.
In response to the incident, Rosa Luxemburg demanded the peaceful disarmament of the homecoming military units by the Berlin workforce in the daily newspaper of the Spartacist League Red Flag (Rote Fahne) of 12 December.
She wanted the Soldiers' Councils to be subordinated to the Revolutionary Parliament and the soldiers to become "re-educated".
On 10 December, Ebert welcomed ten divisions returning from the front hoping to use them against the councils.
As it turned out, these troops also were not willing to go on fighting.
The war was over, Christmas was at the door and most of the soldiers just wanted to go home to their families.
Shortly after their arrival in Berlin, they dispersed.
The blow against the Convention of Councils did not take place.
This blow would have been unnecessary anyway, because the convention that took up its work 16 December in the Prussian House of Representatives consisted mainly of SPD followers.
Not even Karl Liebknecht had managed to get a seat.
The Spartacist League was not granted any influence.
On 19 December, the councils voted 344 to 98 against the creation of a council system as a basis for a new constitution.
Instead, they supported the government's decision to call for elections for a constituent national assembly as soon as possible.
This assembly was to decide upon the state system.
The convention disagreed with Ebert only on the issue of control of the army.
The convention was demanding a say for the Central Council that it would elect, in the supreme command of the army, the free election of officers and the disciplinary powers for the Soldiers' Councils.
That would have been contrary to the agreement between Ebert and General Groener.
They both spared no effort to undo this decision.
The Supreme Command (which in the meantime had moved from Spa to Kassel), began to raise loyal volunteer corps (the Freikorps) against the supposed Bolshevik menace.
Unlike the revolutionary soldiers of November, these troops were monarchist-minded officers and men who feared the return into civil life.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
General Council Convention
As decided by the Executive Committee, the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils in the whole empire sent deputies to Berlin, who were to convene on 16 December in the Circus Busch for the "First General Convention of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils" (Erster Allgemeiner Kongress der Arbeiter- und Soldatenräte).
On 15 December, Ebert and General Groener had troops ordered to Berlin to prevent this convention and to regain control of the capital.
On 16 December, one of the regiments intended for this plan advanced too early.
In an attempt to arrest the Executive Council, the soldiers opened fire on a demonstration of unarmed "Red Guards", representatives of Soldiers' Councils affiliated with the Spartacists; 16 people were killed.
With this, the potential for violence and the danger of a coup from the right became visible.
In response to the incident, Rosa Luxemburg demanded the peaceful disarmament of the homecoming military units by the Berlin workforce in the daily newspaper of the Spartacist League Red Flag (Rote Fahne) of 12 December.
She wanted the Soldiers' Councils to be subordinated to the Revolutionary Parliament and the soldiers to become "re-educated".
On 10 December, Ebert welcomed ten divisions returning from the front hoping to use them against the councils.
As it turned out, these troops also were not willing to go on fighting.
The war was over, Christmas was at the door and most of the soldiers just wanted to go home to their families.
Shortly after their arrival in Berlin, they dispersed.
The blow against the Convention of Councils did not take place.
This blow would have been unnecessary anyway, because the convention that took up its work 16 December in the Prussian House of Representatives consisted mainly of SPD followers.
Not even Karl Liebknecht had managed to get a seat.
The Spartacist League was not granted any influence.
On 19 December, the councils voted 344 to 98 against the creation of a council system as a basis for a new constitution.
Instead, they supported the government's decision to call for elections for a constituent national assembly as soon as possible.
This assembly was to decide upon the state system.
The convention disagreed with Ebert only on the issue of control of the army.
The convention was demanding a say for the Central Council that it would elect, in the supreme command of the army, the free election of officers and the disciplinary powers for the Soldiers' Councils.
That would have been contrary to the agreement between Ebert and General Groener.
They both spared no effort to undo this decision.
The Supreme Command (which in the meantime had moved from Spa to Kassel), began to raise loyal volunteer corps (the Freikorps) against the supposed Bolshevik menace.
Unlike the revolutionary soldiers of November, these troops were monarchist-minded officers and men who feared the return into civil life.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
Re: THE GERMAN REVOLUTION OF 1918-1919
German Revolution of 1918–1919, continued ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Christmas crisis of 1918
After 9 November, the government ordered the newly created People's Navy Division (Volksmarinedivision) from Kiel to Berlin for its protection and stationed it in the Royal Stables (Neuer Marstell) across from the Berlin City Palace (Berlin Schloss or Berlin Stadtschloss).
The division was considered absolutely loyal and had indeed refused to participate in the coup attempt of 6 December.
The sailors even deposed their commander because they saw him as involved in the affair.
It was this loyalty that now gave them the reputation of being in favor of the Spartacists.
Ebert demanded their disbanding and Otto Wels, as of 9 November the Commander of Berlin and in line with Ebert, refused the sailors' pay.
The dispute escalated on 23 December.
After having been put off for days, the sailors occupied the Imperial Chancellery itself, cut the phone lines, put the Council of People's Representatives under house arrest and captured Otto Wels.
The sailors did not exploit the situation to eliminate the Ebert government, as would have been expected from Spartacist revolutionaries.
Instead, they just insisted on their pay.
Nevertheless, Ebert, who was in touch with the Supreme Command in Kassel via a secret phone line, gave orders to attack the Residence with troops loyal to the government on the morning of 24 December.
The sailors repelled the attack under their commander Heinrich Dorrenbach, losing about 30 men and civilians in the fight.
The government troops had to withdraw from the center of Berlin.
They themselves were now disbanded and integrated into the newly formed Freikorps.
To make up for their humiliating withdrawal, they temporarily occupied the editor's offices of the Red Flag.
But military power in Berlin once more was in the hands of the People's Navy Division.
Again, the sailors did not take advantage of the situation.
On one side, this restraint demonstrates that the sailors were not Spartacists, on the other that the revolution had no guidance.
Even if Liebknecht had been a revolutionary leader like Lenin, to which legend later made him, the sailors as well as the councils would not have accepted him as such.
Thus the only result of the Christmas Crisis, which the Spartacists named "Ebert's Bloody Christmas", was that the Revolutionary Stewards called for a demonstration on Christmas Day and the USPD left the government in protest on 29 December.
They could not have done Ebert a bigger favor, since he had let them participate only under the pressure of revolutionary events.
Within a few days, the military defeat of the Ebert government had turned into a political victory.
TO BE CONTINUED ...
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Christmas crisis of 1918
After 9 November, the government ordered the newly created People's Navy Division (Volksmarinedivision) from Kiel to Berlin for its protection and stationed it in the Royal Stables (Neuer Marstell) across from the Berlin City Palace (Berlin Schloss or Berlin Stadtschloss).
The division was considered absolutely loyal and had indeed refused to participate in the coup attempt of 6 December.
The sailors even deposed their commander because they saw him as involved in the affair.
It was this loyalty that now gave them the reputation of being in favor of the Spartacists.
Ebert demanded their disbanding and Otto Wels, as of 9 November the Commander of Berlin and in line with Ebert, refused the sailors' pay.
The dispute escalated on 23 December.
After having been put off for days, the sailors occupied the Imperial Chancellery itself, cut the phone lines, put the Council of People's Representatives under house arrest and captured Otto Wels.
The sailors did not exploit the situation to eliminate the Ebert government, as would have been expected from Spartacist revolutionaries.
Instead, they just insisted on their pay.
Nevertheless, Ebert, who was in touch with the Supreme Command in Kassel via a secret phone line, gave orders to attack the Residence with troops loyal to the government on the morning of 24 December.
The sailors repelled the attack under their commander Heinrich Dorrenbach, losing about 30 men and civilians in the fight.
The government troops had to withdraw from the center of Berlin.
They themselves were now disbanded and integrated into the newly formed Freikorps.
To make up for their humiliating withdrawal, they temporarily occupied the editor's offices of the Red Flag.
But military power in Berlin once more was in the hands of the People's Navy Division.
Again, the sailors did not take advantage of the situation.
On one side, this restraint demonstrates that the sailors were not Spartacists, on the other that the revolution had no guidance.
Even if Liebknecht had been a revolutionary leader like Lenin, to which legend later made him, the sailors as well as the councils would not have accepted him as such.
Thus the only result of the Christmas Crisis, which the Spartacists named "Ebert's Bloody Christmas", was that the Revolutionary Stewards called for a demonstration on Christmas Day and the USPD left the government in protest on 29 December.
They could not have done Ebert a bigger favor, since he had let them participate only under the pressure of revolutionary events.
Within a few days, the military defeat of the Ebert government had turned into a political victory.
TO BE CONTINUED ...